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Indo-Pakistani Region–Lahore

Stephen Jang

2026년 3월 10일

The Reception of Islam and the Development of Religious-Political Systems in the Indo-Pakistani Region — Focusing on Lahore

1. When and how did Islam enter Pakistan?

Islam was first introduced to the region of present-day Pakistan in the early eighth century (AD 711), when the Umayyad general Muhammad ibn Qasim conquered the southern region of Sindh (Eaton, 1993). At that time, however, Islam was largely the product of military occupation and did not significantly alter the religious character of the indigenous society. The substantial spread of Islam occurred over the following centuries through the activities of Sufi saints and missionaries (Ernst, 1992).

They emphasized spiritual harmony within the diverse religious traditions of the Indian subcontinent and won the hearts of people through a message of peace and love rather than coercive conquest. Figures such as Lal Shahbaz Qalandar[1] of Sindh and Data Ganj Bakhsh[2] of Punjab integrated Islam with local culture and produced a distinctive mystical form of faith characteristic of South Asia (Ernst, 1992). This method of religious transmission created a form of Islam that differed from the doctrinal and legalistic traditions prevalent in the Arab regions.

During the period of the Mughal Empire (1526–1857), Islam became a central element of culture, scholarship, and politics (Robinson, 2007). As Persian and Urdu literature flourished, an era emerged in which religious identity coexisted with artistic expression. Islam functioned both as a unifying principle of society and as a foundation for administrative order. The policy of religious tolerance[3] attempted by the third Mughal emperor Akbar provided a notable example of the openness and integrative character of Islam in South Asia.

Ultimately, Islam in the region of Pakistan was not the result of a single conquest but rather the product of centuries of gradual integration into the social and cultural fabric of society (Eaton, 1993). This historical development formed the fundamental background through which Pakistan, unlike the orthodox Arab Islamic states of the Middle East, came to be situated within a “South Asian Islamic civilization” in which mysticism and pluralism coexist.

 

2. Were there religious groups or powers that resisted when Islam was introduced? If Christianity existed before Islam, why did Christianity decline?

At the time when Islam spread into the region of present-day Pakistan, the dominant existing religions were Hinduism and Buddhism. Particularly in the regions of Sindh and Punjab, a Brahmin-centered Hindu social structure was firmly established, while Buddhism had already entered a period of decline (Eaton, 1993). Although political and military resistance existed in the early stages of Islamic expansion, over the long term social absorption rather than religious confrontation became the defining feature. The Hindu caste system justified discrimination based on social status, whereas the Islamic idea of “equality before God among all believers” profoundly appealed to the lower strata of society. Moreover, the Buddhist concepts of peace and inner liberation were similar to the spiritual message of Sufism, allowing a natural process of synthesis to emerge (Ernst, 1992). In this sense, the introduction of Islam was not merely the coercion of a foreign religion but rather reflected a popular response seeking to overcome structural limitations and social inequalities within existing religious systems.

However, during the period of British colonial rule in the nineteenth century, religion began to be utilized as a political instrument. The British intentionally widened divisions between Hindus and Muslims through a policy of “divide and rule.” As a result, Islam evolved beyond a simple community of faith and became a symbol of ethnic identity and political resistance. In particular, the emergence of the Aligarh Movement[4] and the All-India Muslim League[5] represented efforts to reinterpret Islam within the framework of modern education and political consciousness (Jalal, 1985). This movement developed as a response to both Hindu majoritarianism and Western secularism. Consequently, Islam in Pakistan functioned both as an ideology of liberation for marginalized groups and as a political mechanism for preserving national identity. In this respect, the Islamization of Pakistan differed from the conquest-based Islamization of the Middle East and took on the character of a social liberation movement.

 

3. What position did Islam take after the World Wars?

After the World Wars, and following the partition of the Indian subcontinent, Pakistan was established in 1947 as an “Islamic state.” However, the founding leader Muhammad Ali Jinnah preferred a secular political system rather than religious fundamentalism. He envisioned a secular democracy grounded in Islamic principles, yet after independence, amid social turmoil, wars with India, and internal political instability, religious identity gradually became more pronounced (Zaman, 2018).

During the 1950s and 1960s, military regimes pursued Western-style modernization but were unable to fully suppress the religious aspirations of society. In the 1970s, the government of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto attempted to secure public support by advocating “Islamic Socialism,” even within a political framework influenced by socialist ideas. However, this policy provoked resistance from religious groups and conservative circles, and Zia-ul-Haq, who came to power in 1977, formally adopted “Islamization” as a state policy (Nasr, 1996).

The Zia regime was deeply influenced by the ideas of Abul A'la Maududi, using his writings as a policy foundation. Sharia principles were incorporated into education, the judicial system, and financial institutions, and the national identity was redefined as the “implementation of Islamic order.” The blasphemy law was also added to the Pakistani constitution during this period.

During the Cold War, Pakistan maintained a strategic alliance with the United States while simultaneously supporting the Afghan Mujahideen. In this process religion was used as an instrument of politics and diplomacy, which later contributed to the emergence of the Taliban movement. After the World Wars, Islam in Pakistan became not merely a religion but a central element of political legitimacy and national survival strategy. As a result, Pakistan developed a distinctive position as both a key partner in the Islamic world and an experimental model of Islamic governance.

 

4. What is the most influential Islamic school in Pakistan, who is its central figure, and what is the core of his teaching?

Islamic thought in Pakistan is rooted in the scholarly traditions of Sunni Islam and is strongly influenced by the Hanafi school, which has historically shaped Islamic practice across Central and South Asia. Pakistan’s major movements, the Deobandi movement and the Barelvi movement, both developed within the Hanafi legal framework (Sanyal, 1996).

However, the theological orientations of these two traditions differ significantly. The Deobandi movement grew around a madrasa established in the nineteenth century in Deoband in northern India, emphasizing a strict textual approach to the Qur’an and Hadith and a life centered on religious law. It sought to restore the purity of religion and to resist Western colonialism and secularism through reformist efforts. By contrast, the Barelvi movement, influenced by Sufism, emphasized deep devotion to the Prophet Muhammad, the veneration of saints, and the traditions of ritual and religious festivals.

While the Deobandi tradition emphasizes rational and disciplined religious life, the Barelvi tradition stresses emotional and community-centered expressions of faith. Both movements shaped the identity of South Asian Islam, yet their modes of expression differed markedly. Deobandis promoted religious reform through doctrinal purity, whereas Barelvis popularized faith through cultural traditions (Metcalf, 1982).

Within this broader intellectual context, the mid-twentieth century witnessed the emergence of a new direction in Islamic thought through Abul A'la Maududi (1903–1979). He criticized the instability of Pakistan’s political identity within secularism and colonial values and defined Islam not merely as a religion but as a complete system encompassing politics, economics, law, and culture. The core of his thought was the principle of the “sovereignty of God,” asserting that divine law must take precedence over human legislation (Maududi, 1960).

In 1941 he founded the organization Jamaat-e-Islami in order to implement this vision. Before the independence of Pakistan, the movement emphasized moral awakening and Islamic social reform within Muslim communities in India; after independence it sought to establish an Islamic constitution and realize social justice. Maududi argued that Islam should not remain confined to personal salvation but should become a public system establishing justice and order throughout society (Nasr, 1996).

Jamaat-e-Islami subsequently maintained continuing influence in Pakistani politics while expanding its activities into education, welfare, and media. His ideas influenced not only Pakistan but also movements such as the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and the revolutionary movement in Iran, thereby providing an intellectual foundation for modern political Islam.

Ultimately, within Pakistani Sunni Islam three major currents coexist: the law-centered Deobandi tradition, the mystical Barelvi tradition, and the politically oriented Jamaat-e-Islami. Although all three share the Hanafi legal heritage, they developed distinct trajectories depending on whether they emphasized law, spirituality, or social order. This structure demonstrates that Pakistan is not simply a country imitating Middle Eastern theology but a complex society that has developed its own Islamic thought within the context of South Asian realities.

 

5. What influence does Islam have on Pakistan, and what is the role of Pakistan in the Islamic world?

Islam constitutes the central axis shaping Pakistan’s identity, politics, culture, law, and social ethics (Zaman, 2018). Article 2 of the constitution states that “Pakistan is an Islamic Republic,” and all legislation is required to conform to the principles of Sharia. While this provision clearly defines the institutional identity of the state, it has also generated tensions between religious authority, secular legal structures, and religious freedom.

Socially, Islam functions as the fundamental framework for family institutions, education, morality, welfare, and social justice. Practices such as Ramadan fasting, Friday congregational prayers, and the system of zakat (obligatory almsgiving) strengthen communal solidarity and a sense of social responsibility. At the same time, the political use of religion occurs frequently and sometimes contributes to factional conflicts or the persecution of religious minorities.

Pakistan constitutes a complex society in which various Islamic movements, including Deobandi, Barelvi, and Jamaat-e-Islami traditions, coexist. Barelvi adherents emphasize a tolerant faith rooted in Sufi traditions, while Deobandi scholars advocate a conservative theology centered on Islamic law. These differences extend beyond theological debates and are intertwined with social class, regional identities, and political orientations.

Internationally, Pakistan plays a strategic role as a key member of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, serving as a geopolitical bridge between the Middle East and South Asia. As the only Muslim-majority state possessing nuclear weapons, Pakistan holds both symbolic military significance and diplomatic influence within the Islamic world. Because religious tradition and modern state structures coexist within its political framework, Pakistan is often described as a “laboratory of political Islam” (Nasr, 1996; Zaman, 2018).

Ultimately, Islam in Pakistan extends beyond personal belief and forms the foundation of the state’s moral legitimacy and social cohesion. Within the Islamic world, Pakistan occupies a distinctive position as a society that continues to navigate theological diversity and experiments with modern institutional structures amid persistent political instability.

 

 

 

References

Eaton, R. M. (1993). The rise of Islam and the Bengal frontier, 1204–1760. University of California Press.

Ernst, C. W. (1992). Eternal garden: Mysticism, history, and politics at a South Asian Sufi center. State University of New York Press.

Jalal, A. (1985). The sole spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League and the demand for Pakistan. Cambridge University Press.

Maududi, A. A. (1960). Islamic law and constitution. Islamic Publications.

Metcalf, B. D. (1982). Islamic revival in British India: Deoband, 1860–1900. Princeton University Press.

Nasr, S. V. R. (1996). Mawdudi and the making of Islamic revivalism. Oxford University Press.

Robinson, F. (2007). The Mughal emperors and the Islamic dynasties of India, Iran, and Central Asia. Thames & Hudson.

Zaman, M. Q. (2018). Islam in Pakistan: A history. Princeton University Press.

 

 


[1] Lal Shahbaz Qalandar was a renowned Sufi saint active in the region of Sindh around the twelfth century, known for emphasizing mysticism and harmony among religions. The town of Sehwan, located in Sindh and home to his shrine (Shrine of Lal Shahbaz Qalandar), is still known today as a sacred center of Islamic mysticism where numerous Sufi pilgrims gather every year.

[2] His real name was Ali Hujwiri, an eleventh-century Persian Sufi scholar and poet. He was active in Lahore, where he spread the teachings of Sufism, and his work Kashf al-Mahjub is regarded as a classic of Sufi theology. His shrine, Data Darbar, located in Lahore in the province of Punjab, is visited daily by numerous pilgrims.

[3] He abolished the tax that had been imposed on non-Muslims in order to accommodate diverse religions such as Hinduism, Islam, and Sikhism, and he encouraged dialogue among different religious communities.

[4] The Aligarh Movement was a reform movement that began in the late nineteenth century among Indian Muslims in order to restore their social status and achieve political awareness through Western-style modern education. Its leader, Syed Ahmad Khan, established the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College in 1875 in Aligarh, seeking to harmonize Islamic faith with modern academic learning.

[5] The All-India Muslim League was a political organization founded in 1906 in Dhaka in the region of Bengal, with the aim of protecting the rights of Muslims in India and securing their political representation. The organization later developed into a central force in the Pakistan independence movement under the leadership of Muhammad Ali Jinnah.

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저작권@Global Bridge Research Institute 모든 권리 보유

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